An early manifestation of regionalism was the Telangana movement in what became the state of Andhra Pradesh. The princely ruler of Hyderabad, the nizam, had attempted unsuccessfully to maintain Hyderabad as an independent state separate from India in 1947. His efforts were simultaneous with the largest agrarian armed rebellion in modern Indian history. Starting in July 1946, communist-led guerrilla squads began overthrowing local feudal village regimes and organizing land reform in Telugu-speaking areas of Hyderabad, collectively known as Telangana (an ancient name for the region dating from the Vijayanagar period). In time, about 3,000 villages and some 41,000 square kilometers of territory were involved in the revolt. Faced with the refusal of the nizam of Hyderabad to accede his territory to India and the violence of the communist-led rebellion, the central government sent in the army in September 1948. By November 1949, Hyderabad had been forced to accede to the Indian union, and, by October 1951, the violent phase of the Telangana movement had been suppressed. The effect of the 1946-51 rebellion and communist electoral victories in 1952 had led to the destruction of Hyderabad and set the scene for the establishment of a new state along linguistic lines.
In 1953, based on the recommendation of the States Reorganisation Commission, Telugu-speaking areas were separated from the former Madras States to form Andhra, India's first state established along linguistic lines. The commission also contemplated establishing Telangana as a separate state, but instead Telangana was merged with Andhra to form the new state of Andhra Pradesh in 1956.
The concerns about Telangana were manifold. The region had a less developed economy than Andhra, but a larger revenue base (mostly because it taxed rather than prohibited alcoholic beverages), which Telanganas feared might be diverted for use in Andhra. They also feared that planned dam projects on the Krishna and Godavari rivers would not benefit Telangana proportionately even though Telanganas controlled the headwaters of the rivers. Telanganas feared too that the people of Andhra would have the advantage in jobs, particularly in government and education.
The central government decided to ignore the recommendation to establish a separate Telangana state and, instead, merged the two regions into a unified Andhra Pradesh. However, a "gentlemen's agreement" provided reassurances to the Telangana people. For at least five years, revenue was to be spent in the regions proportionately to the amount they contributed. Education institutions in Telangana were to be expanded and reserved for local students. Recruitment to the civil service and other areas of government employment such as education and medicine was to be proportional. The use of Urdu was to continue in the administration and the judiciary for five years. The state cabinet was to have proportional membership from both regions and a deputy chief minister from Telangana if the chief minister was from Andhra and vice versa. Finally, the Regional Council for Telangana was to be responsible for economic development, and its members were to be elected by the members of the state legislative assembly from the region.
In the following years, however, the Telangana people had a number of complaints about how the agreements and guarantees were implemented. The deputy chief minister position was never filled. Education institutions in the region were greatly expanded, but Telanganas felt that their enrollment was not proportionate to their numbers. The selection of the city of Hyderabad as the state capital led to massive migration of people from Andhra into Telangana. Telanganas felt discriminated against in education employment but were told by the state government that most non-Telanganas had been hired on the grounds that qualified local people were unavailable. In addition, the unification of pay scales between the two regions appeared to disadvantage Telangana civil servants. In the atmosphere of discontent, professional associations that earlier had amalgamated broke apart by region.
Discontent with the 1956 gentlemen's agreement intensified in January 1969 when the guarantees that had been agreed on were supposed to lapse. Student agitation for the continuation of the agreement began at Osmania University in Hyderabad and spread to other parts of the region. Government employees and opposition members of the state legislative assembly swiftly threatened "direct action" in support of the students. The Congress-controlled state and central governments offered assurances that non-Telangana civil servants in the region would be replaced by Mulkis, disadvantaged local people, and that revenue surpluses from Telangana would be returned to the region. The protestors, however, were dissatisfied, and severe violence, including mob attacks on railroads, road transport, and government facilities, spread over the region. In addition, seventy-nine police firings resulted in twenty-three deaths according to official figures, the education system was shut down, and examinations were cancelled. Calls for a separate Telangana state came in the midst of counter violence in Andhra areas bordering Telangana. In the meantime, the Andhra Pradesh High Court decreed that a central government law mandating replacement of non-Telangana government employees with Mulkis was beyond Parliament's constitutional powers.
Although the Congress faced dissension within its ranks, its leadership stood against additional linguistic states, which were regarded as "antinational." As a result, defectors from the Congress, led by M. Chenna Reddy, founded the Telangana People's Association (Telangana Praja Samithi). Despite electoral successes, however, some of the new party leaders gave up their agitation in September 1971 and, much to the disgust of many separatists, rejoined the safer political haven of the Congress ranks.
In 1972 the Supreme Court reversed the Andhra Pradesh High Court's ruling that the Mulki rules were unconstitutional. This decision triggered agitation in the Andhra region that produced six months of violence.
Throughout the 1970s, Andhra Pradesh settled into a pattern of continuous domination by Congress (R) and later Congress (I), with much instability and dissidence within the state party and constant interference from Indira Gandhi and the national party. Chenna Reddy, the erstwhile opposition leader, was for a time the Congress (I) state chief minister. Congress domination was only ended by the founding of the Telugu National Party by N.T. Rama Rao in 1982 and its overwhelming victory in the state elections in 1983.
Polls taken after the end of the Telangana movement showed a certain lack of enthusiasm for it, and for the idea of a separate state. Although urban groups (students and civil servants) had been most active in the movement, its support was stronger in rural areas. Its supporters were mixed: low and middle castes, the young and the not so young, women, illiterates and the poorly educated, and rural gentry. Speakers of several other languages than Telugu were heavily involved. The movement had no element of religious communalism, but some observers thought Muslims were particularly involved in the movement. Other researchers found the Muslims were unenthusiastic about the movement and noted a feeling that migration from Andhra to Telangana was creating opportunities that were helping non-Telanganas. On the other hand, of the two locally prominent Muslim political groups, only one supported a separate state; the other opposed the idea while demanding full implementation of the regional safeguards. Although Urdu speakers were appealed to in the agitation (e.g., speeches were given in Urdu as well as Telugu), in the aftermath Urdu disappeared from the schools and the administration.
The Telangana movement grew out of a sense of regional identity as such, rather than out of a sense of ethnic identity, language, religion, or caste. The movement demanded redress for economic grievances, the writing of a separate history, and establishment of a sense of cultural distinctness. The emotions and forces generated by the movement were not strong enough, however, for a continuing drive for a separate state. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the People's War Group, an element of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), renewed violence in Andhra Pradesh but was dealt with by state police forces. The Telangana movement was never directed against the territorial integrity of India, unlike the insurrections in Jammu and Kashmir and some of the unrest in northeastern India.
Source: U.S. Library of Congress
Tuesday, November 28, 2006
Wednesday, November 22, 2006
Anti-Nizam Struggle
IT is quite natural that the reactionary ruling classes oppose the struggles for fundamental changes in the society and strive to suppress, weaken and divert them. We cannot say that every struggle for fundamental changes will continue to the end. For objective and subjective reasons, they may stop in the half way or they may encounter defeats. Yet, the significance of those struggles will not be lessened. The victories they had won would not go waste. The memories of those struggles live forever in the hearts of people.
The ruling classes and their parties would naturally get disturbed when they see the people remembering the past struggles. They are worried that the continuation of memories of past struggles may lead to attempts to revive those struggles in a more powerful and more determined manner. Therefore, they would inevitably try to distort the past struggles and sling mud on the political force which led those struggles. They also try to capitalise the fruits of those struggles. What the Congress and BJP had done in Hyderabad on Sept 17, 1998 in the name of Golden Jubilee celebrations of the Liberation of Nizam State is only a part of these attempts.
On this day, three programmes were organised in Hyderabad . One: at Ravindra Bharati by the Government; Two: at Nizam College Grounds by the BJP; Three: at Gandhi Bhavan by the Congress. The organisers of three programmes were united on one question. They characterised the Indian Union’s Police Action in Telangana from Sept 13 to 18, 1948 as an act of “Liberation”. They see the anti-Nizam Struggle as nothing but a struggle to integrate the Nizam’s State in the Indian Union. The Congress concedes some role to the Communists in the struggle. But it claims that the Congress role was the main in the struggle. In its eagerness to project itself as the champion in upholding the significance of Nizam State ’s liberation, it spat venom on the Communists.
BJP is a past master in using Goebbelian methods of slander campaign. It believes that it can deceive people by combining its resources with these methods. On the eve of the completion of 50 years since the ‘liberation’ of Nizam’s State, the BJP floated a Golden Jubilee Celebrations organising Committee. It released lot of propaganda material, including music cassettes. It paraded the party leaders and cine actors in Chariots in Telangana districts. On September 17, 1998, it held a public meeting at Nizam College Grounds and L.K. Advani was the main speaker. It “honoured” the “freedom fighters”. The entire BJP’s propaganda went on these lines: The integration of Nizam State in the Indian Union was a victory of Hindu people over a Muslim King. It was Sardar Patel “the iron man”- who planned the Sept 13-18, 1948 Police Action and achieved this liberation. In his speech, L.K. Advani, the inheritor and incarnation of this iron man, as characterised by the RSS, vomited all venom on Communists alleging that they had colluded with Razakars in the attempts to keep Hyderabad State as an independent state. Here the BJP sought to gain from its own distorted presentation of history. But it was only a futile attempt.
No One can Distort the History of Telengana People’s Struggle
At no stage, the Telangana People’s Struggle was directed against Muslims. Its leadership, no doubt, opposed the forcible imposition of Urdu. But it never opposed the right of Muslim people to respect and use their own mother tongue, Urdu. Andhra Mahasabha had supported and fought for the right of Telugu-speaking people to respect, use and develop Telugu, their mother tongue, and their own culture.
The ruler of the State, the Nizam, was a Muslim. He sought to make use of this religious background to gain the support of Muslim people for his autocratic and oppressive rule. But, in terms of class character, he stood as the representative and protector of oppressive feudal system. The entire people in Nizam State - whether they were Muslims, Hindus, Marathis, Kannadigas and Telugu-speaking people — has suffered as a consequence of feudal exploitation and oppression and Nizam’s autocratic rule. Therefore, all of them fought against it. The Communist Party, which led this heroic struggle, united the people of all religions and languages in the course of this struggle.
In its initial phase, the anti-Nizam Struggle fought for the language, culture and certain political rights of the people. This struggle has reflected the national and democratic aspirations and struggles of people. But even this legal protests to realise these aspirations of people was not tolerated. It met with suppression by Nizam State . Through their own experience, the people realised that they cannot carry on this struggle with no relation to the struggle against economic and political oppression. Thus the struggle has developed to the level of striking at the foundations of feudal system. This struggle has put various political forces to test. The liberal and reformist sections of Congress withdrew from the scene. The role and influence of revolutionary forces became stronger. The Communists emerged as the vanguards of this struggle. Thus, a cultural movement has eventually transformed and developed itself into struggle against feudalism and Nizam’s rule. Those who characterise the anti-Nizam struggle as a struggle just for language, culture or some political rights or as a struggle to create favourable conditions for Nizam State’s integration to the Indian Union are only concealing the main content of this struggle, that it was aimed at over throwing the feudal system and Nizam’s autocratic rule. It is not surprising, for the ruling class parties like Congress and BJP to indulge in this kind of propaganda because they had stepped into the shoes of Nizam and the British rulers only to serve feudalism and imperialism.
Nizam State On the eve of police action
The anti-feudal and anti-Nizam struggle was in an advanced stage when the Indian Union resorted to Police Action against the Nizam State . The peasant revolutionary movement and armed struggle had won many victories. Led by the Communist Party, the landless and poor peasants had seized and distributed among themselves 10 Lakh-acres of land. They had established people’s raj (popularly known as Grama Rajyas) in 3000 villages. 10,000 people had joined various armed formations under the leadership of Communist Party. The feudal domination had come to an end. Nizam’s rule was confined to Hyderabad and few other cities. As a result, the people in the villages tasted a free and democratic life. They were re-organising their economic and social life in a new way. They were bringing into vogue new cultural and moral values. They were managing their own affairs. The people’s armed formations, actively supported by the people, were successfully repulsing the attacks of Nizam’s police and Razakars in the villages. The peasant revolutionary movement and armed struggle were becoming powerful enough to free Telangana from the yoke of feudalism and Nizam’s rule. Nizam stood isolated from people. The Police Action came in this situation. Nizam’s surrender within a short time and with no resistance only pointed out the precarious state Nizam was at that time.
‘Liberation’ Struggle by Congress Men
On the eve of transfer of power in August 1947, the British colonialists imposed a communal division of the country. In this, they had co-operation from the Congress and Muslim League. At the same time, they left the question of integration of Princely States uncertain. Most of the Princely states agreed to integrate in the Indian Union by accepting rich economic and political dividends. But some states took more time for this. Nizam, an agent of British imperialists, aspired to remain as an independent state. He expected support from the British masters and the newly formed Pakistan in this regard.
Ittehad-ul-Musalmeen sought to mobilise the Muslim population against the integration of Nizam State in the Indian Union and in favour of retaining Hyderabad as an independent state. A private armed formation known as “Razakars” had come into existence and Khasim Razwi was its leader. It had all blessings and support from Nizam as this Muslim communal and fascist force was there to serve as his own para-military force. Razakars declared the “Defence of Deccan State” as their aim. This force was camping in towns and was carrying on raids on the villages. It was looting and committing many atrocities against the people. It declared Hyderabad as an independent state even before 1947. It pledged to wipe out the Communists who were leading the struggle against landlords and Nizam’s rule.
The Congress men in Nizam State , initially, raised the slogans like, “responsible government” and the “integration of the state in the Indian Union”. They held satyagrahas. At one stage, with a view to paralyse the Government, they called upon the village officials to hand over all the records to the Government. As part of non-co-operation, they called upon the people to stop drinking, paying the taxes and to cut down the toddy trees.
The Congress shifted its activities to the Union districts bordering the Nizam State when the anti-Nizam and anti-feudal struggle had taken a serious turn and when the Razakars intensified their attacks on the villages. Some of them had formed some armed squads and called the actions carried on by them as “armed struggle” and “liberation Struggle”. It was funny that these squads were always avoiding coming into clash with the Nizam police and Razakars. Occasionally, they were carrying on raids on Nizam’s check-posts on the borders. These raids too were stage managed. The customs officials were leaving the posts together with their records the moment these squads went for a raid. The All India Radio was giving a wide publicity to this drama of raids. These squads were looting the people in the villages in the name of collecting the taxes. At the same time the Congress men were engaged in a slander campaign against the Communist Party and the squads led by it. This was the time when the talks began between the Indian Union and Nizam.
As noted by VP Menon, the then secretary of the Home Ministry of Estate Affairs in his book, “The Integration of Indian Estates”, the word “Liberation” was never uttered by the Union side in its 18 months long talks with the Nizam State . The Indian Government concentrated on how to bring the Nizam State into some form of relationship with the Indian Union. Nizam too was preparing for this as he found, in view of the changed political situation, the British masters too were not in favour of an independent Hyderabad state. At the same time, he was under a constant pressure from the Ittehad-ul-Musalmeen and Razakars not to arrive at an agreement with the Indian Union.
The ongoing peasant revolutionary movement and armed struggle were another powerful factor at the time. The Indian Union as well as Nizam were very much worried about this ‘common head-ache’. Their assessment was that any delay in reaching an agreement will be harmful to both of them. It will turn the situation totally favourable to the Communists.
Only because of it, the Governor General of India and Nizam Usman Ali Khan signed a “Status quo-Agreement” on Nov 27, 1947. In essence, this Agreement allowed Nizam to maintain an Autonomous status, while, at the same time, having relations with the Indian Union. KM Munshi was appointed as Delhi ’s Agent General (Representative). As VP Menon wrote in his book, Prime Minister Nehru had assured the British represntative at Hyderbad Sir Waltyer Monekton, that the Indian Government will not resort to any attack against the state. Nizam had moved in the direction of coming to an understanding with the Indian state as his regime was crumbling under the fire of peasant revolutionary movement.
Police Action
In this situation, the Indian Government resorted to Police Action (it was called, “Operation Polo”) from Sept 13, 1948. The entire drama of “liberation” or “integration” was over in four days. Nizam surrendered with no resistance what so ever. For Razakars, who were facing the raging flames of people’s anger, the Jails had become safe shelters. The Indian Government took all the care not to cause any hurt to Nizam as a person, to his properties and honour. Not only this. It awarded him the title, “Raj Pramukh” and gifted a bulky yearly privy purse of Rs.25 Lakhs. It allowed him to retain and enjoy with all rights all the wealth and properties which he accumulated by plundering the people for years. It set free all the Razakars, barring a few. They were neither tried in a court of Law nor by a Military Commission for the innumerable crimes committed by them against the people. It was really amusing to listen to some leaders like IK Gujral who told that the ‘credit goes to country’s leaders for a successful integration of Nizam State into the Indian Union without shedding a drop of blood’. These preachers of “peace” and “non-violence” conveniently chose to close their eyes to the fact that vast masses of people, democratic and national forces under the leadership of Communist Party had shed blood in the course of struggle against Nizam’s rule and feudalism. They made supreme sacrifices and experienced worst brutalities. It was this heroic struggle which had, in reality, broken the backbone of Nizma’s rule. On one side, Nizam’s rule found itself on the brink of collapse as a result of peasant revolutionary movement. On the other side, though the Indian Government brandished the sword at Nizam in the form of Police Action, it had showered all the kindness and friendship on him. It came to his aid to enable him to enjoy all the honours and privileges and to protect him from being swept away by the rising tide of peasant revolutionary movement. Here lies the secret of “blood-less liberation”.
Police Action Shed People’s Blood
As far as the masses of people and the Communists were concerned the Police Action was most brutal. As the then secretary of Home Minister, VP Menon, himself admitted in his book, “The Integration of Indian states”, the suppression of Communists was one of the aims of Police Action. Why the Nehru Government and the new ruling classes who claimed themselves as the symbols of democracy, progress and socialism needed to suppress the Communists in Telangana? Because, here in Telangana the Communists did not confine themselves to mere declarations. They led the people into revolutionary action against feudalism, Nizam’s autocratic rule and for thorough-going democratic changes in the economic, social and political life of society. Because, if the struggle sustains, it shall spread to more areas, advance and become stronger. It shall tear off the progressive masks of the new rulers. It shall expose their anti-people character. It shall become dangerous to the very existence of the system, the reigns of which they had taken into their hands from the British colonialists.
Once this farce of ‘integration’ was over within four days, the Police Action has begun, in the real sense of the term, in the areas where the peasant revolutionary movement was strong and it went on for three years. It gave courage to the landlords who were till then hiding in the cities and police camps. Aided by the landlords, the armed forces of Indian Government carried on attacks on the villages, people, communists and the guerrilla squads. For days together at one stretch, they went on a killing spree and carried on worst brutalities, destruction and loot of people’s properties. The Police Action made the restoration of lands, properties and authority of landlords possible crushing the people’s resistance.
Four thousand Communists, people’s fighters and common people had lost their lives as a consequence of this massacre. Thousands of people were subjected to brutalities. Many were tortured in police camps and thrown into jails. The police brutally destroyed the new life, freedom, peace and stability people had won through their struggle.
Slander about collusion between Communists and Razakars
Advani, commander -in-chief of the Hindu Communal fascist forces, had tried to spread a slander which was thrown in the dust bin 50 years back. In 1947, when the talk about Azad Hyderabad was being heard in Nizam’s camp and when the Indian Governments intervention was being expected, some Communist leaders in Hyderabad issued a statement airing the idea of independent Hyderabad state. The Indian Government had given it wide publicity by airing this un-authorised, irresponsible and harmful statement in the AIR in an attempt to unleash a slander campaign against the Communists. However, this statement was immediately, categorically and openly denounced by the Andhra State Committee as well as the Central Committee of the Communist Party. The people and the political forces in those days were aware of this fact. But the AIR deliberately suppressed this statement and news.
The Communists at the time stood for an united democratic state of Telugu-speaking people. The heroic struggle led by them against feudalism and Nizam’s autocratic rule would have cleared the ground for an all round progress of overwhelming masses of people. The Communists and the people fought against the Razakars ever since they made their appearance on the scene because the Communists were clear that the Razakars were not only communalists, but also a fascist paramilitary force in defence of landlordism and Nizam State .
When the Congress began the so called armed struggle, the Communist Party took all the care to avoid clashes with them and concentrated the fire of people’s struggle against Nizam police, Razakars and the landlords. Even when the Police Action has commenced, the Communist Party directed its main attack against Nizam’s Police, Razakars and the landlords. It was a people’s revolutionary struggle. Thousands of people moved into action under the leadership of Communist Party, guerrilla squads and carried on attacks against Nizam’s police and Razakar camps. The people seized the arms from them. The forts of feudal landlords — hated centres of feudal oppression — were reduced into heaps of ash in the midst of rising flames of people’s anger. The people laid the roads and built Martyrs Columns on the soil where the dismantled forts once existed. The people ploughed those lands and turned them into agricultural fields. They seized thousands of bags of rice lying hoarded in the granaries of landlords and distributed it among themselves. They caught hold of Razakars, held open trails and gave suitable punishments to them. At the same time, the people had another bitter experience. Under the cover of liberating Telangana, the Indian Army, entered the scene to carry out a definite mission set for it by the Indian Government Accordingly, it gunned down the people and Communists. It had done everything to save Nizam’s police, Razakars and landlords from the people and thus safeguard the feudal system and autocratic rule.
It is already 55 years since the withdrawal of Telangana Peasant Armed Struggle. Yet, it is still alive in the hearts of Indian People. It is shall remain alive for its experiences and lessons. This struggle, which was withdrawn in 1951 had reappeared after 16 years in the form of peasant revolutionary movement in Naxalbari, Srikakulam, Debra-Gopiballapur, Mushahiri, Lakhimpur-Kheri, Khammam, Warangal , East Godavari and other areas. The revolutionary path adopted by the people of Telangana continues to illuminate the path of exploited and oppressed masses of the Indian people even today. The fact that Advani and people of his ilk are vomiting venom and are carrying on slander campaign against the Communists only expose their fear for a people’s revolution. However, they cannot escape from the history’s final verdict. No one can separate the Communist Revolutionaries from people. No one can stop them from providing leadership to the New Democratic Revolution.
Madhu http://cpiml.in/061119.htm
The ruling classes and their parties would naturally get disturbed when they see the people remembering the past struggles. They are worried that the continuation of memories of past struggles may lead to attempts to revive those struggles in a more powerful and more determined manner. Therefore, they would inevitably try to distort the past struggles and sling mud on the political force which led those struggles. They also try to capitalise the fruits of those struggles. What the Congress and BJP had done in Hyderabad on Sept 17, 1998 in the name of Golden Jubilee celebrations of the Liberation of Nizam State is only a part of these attempts.
On this day, three programmes were organised in Hyderabad . One: at Ravindra Bharati by the Government; Two: at Nizam College Grounds by the BJP; Three: at Gandhi Bhavan by the Congress. The organisers of three programmes were united on one question. They characterised the Indian Union’s Police Action in Telangana from Sept 13 to 18, 1948 as an act of “Liberation”. They see the anti-Nizam Struggle as nothing but a struggle to integrate the Nizam’s State in the Indian Union. The Congress concedes some role to the Communists in the struggle. But it claims that the Congress role was the main in the struggle. In its eagerness to project itself as the champion in upholding the significance of Nizam State ’s liberation, it spat venom on the Communists.
BJP is a past master in using Goebbelian methods of slander campaign. It believes that it can deceive people by combining its resources with these methods. On the eve of the completion of 50 years since the ‘liberation’ of Nizam’s State, the BJP floated a Golden Jubilee Celebrations organising Committee. It released lot of propaganda material, including music cassettes. It paraded the party leaders and cine actors in Chariots in Telangana districts. On September 17, 1998, it held a public meeting at Nizam College Grounds and L.K. Advani was the main speaker. It “honoured” the “freedom fighters”. The entire BJP’s propaganda went on these lines: The integration of Nizam State in the Indian Union was a victory of Hindu people over a Muslim King. It was Sardar Patel “the iron man”- who planned the Sept 13-18, 1948 Police Action and achieved this liberation. In his speech, L.K. Advani, the inheritor and incarnation of this iron man, as characterised by the RSS, vomited all venom on Communists alleging that they had colluded with Razakars in the attempts to keep Hyderabad State as an independent state. Here the BJP sought to gain from its own distorted presentation of history. But it was only a futile attempt.
No One can Distort the History of Telengana People’s Struggle
At no stage, the Telangana People’s Struggle was directed against Muslims. Its leadership, no doubt, opposed the forcible imposition of Urdu. But it never opposed the right of Muslim people to respect and use their own mother tongue, Urdu. Andhra Mahasabha had supported and fought for the right of Telugu-speaking people to respect, use and develop Telugu, their mother tongue, and their own culture.
The ruler of the State, the Nizam, was a Muslim. He sought to make use of this religious background to gain the support of Muslim people for his autocratic and oppressive rule. But, in terms of class character, he stood as the representative and protector of oppressive feudal system. The entire people in Nizam State - whether they were Muslims, Hindus, Marathis, Kannadigas and Telugu-speaking people — has suffered as a consequence of feudal exploitation and oppression and Nizam’s autocratic rule. Therefore, all of them fought against it. The Communist Party, which led this heroic struggle, united the people of all religions and languages in the course of this struggle.
In its initial phase, the anti-Nizam Struggle fought for the language, culture and certain political rights of the people. This struggle has reflected the national and democratic aspirations and struggles of people. But even this legal protests to realise these aspirations of people was not tolerated. It met with suppression by Nizam State . Through their own experience, the people realised that they cannot carry on this struggle with no relation to the struggle against economic and political oppression. Thus the struggle has developed to the level of striking at the foundations of feudal system. This struggle has put various political forces to test. The liberal and reformist sections of Congress withdrew from the scene. The role and influence of revolutionary forces became stronger. The Communists emerged as the vanguards of this struggle. Thus, a cultural movement has eventually transformed and developed itself into struggle against feudalism and Nizam’s rule. Those who characterise the anti-Nizam struggle as a struggle just for language, culture or some political rights or as a struggle to create favourable conditions for Nizam State’s integration to the Indian Union are only concealing the main content of this struggle, that it was aimed at over throwing the feudal system and Nizam’s autocratic rule. It is not surprising, for the ruling class parties like Congress and BJP to indulge in this kind of propaganda because they had stepped into the shoes of Nizam and the British rulers only to serve feudalism and imperialism.
Nizam State On the eve of police action
The anti-feudal and anti-Nizam struggle was in an advanced stage when the Indian Union resorted to Police Action against the Nizam State . The peasant revolutionary movement and armed struggle had won many victories. Led by the Communist Party, the landless and poor peasants had seized and distributed among themselves 10 Lakh-acres of land. They had established people’s raj (popularly known as Grama Rajyas) in 3000 villages. 10,000 people had joined various armed formations under the leadership of Communist Party. The feudal domination had come to an end. Nizam’s rule was confined to Hyderabad and few other cities. As a result, the people in the villages tasted a free and democratic life. They were re-organising their economic and social life in a new way. They were bringing into vogue new cultural and moral values. They were managing their own affairs. The people’s armed formations, actively supported by the people, were successfully repulsing the attacks of Nizam’s police and Razakars in the villages. The peasant revolutionary movement and armed struggle were becoming powerful enough to free Telangana from the yoke of feudalism and Nizam’s rule. Nizam stood isolated from people. The Police Action came in this situation. Nizam’s surrender within a short time and with no resistance only pointed out the precarious state Nizam was at that time.
‘Liberation’ Struggle by Congress Men
On the eve of transfer of power in August 1947, the British colonialists imposed a communal division of the country. In this, they had co-operation from the Congress and Muslim League. At the same time, they left the question of integration of Princely States uncertain. Most of the Princely states agreed to integrate in the Indian Union by accepting rich economic and political dividends. But some states took more time for this. Nizam, an agent of British imperialists, aspired to remain as an independent state. He expected support from the British masters and the newly formed Pakistan in this regard.
Ittehad-ul-Musalmeen sought to mobilise the Muslim population against the integration of Nizam State in the Indian Union and in favour of retaining Hyderabad as an independent state. A private armed formation known as “Razakars” had come into existence and Khasim Razwi was its leader. It had all blessings and support from Nizam as this Muslim communal and fascist force was there to serve as his own para-military force. Razakars declared the “Defence of Deccan State” as their aim. This force was camping in towns and was carrying on raids on the villages. It was looting and committing many atrocities against the people. It declared Hyderabad as an independent state even before 1947. It pledged to wipe out the Communists who were leading the struggle against landlords and Nizam’s rule.
The Congress men in Nizam State , initially, raised the slogans like, “responsible government” and the “integration of the state in the Indian Union”. They held satyagrahas. At one stage, with a view to paralyse the Government, they called upon the village officials to hand over all the records to the Government. As part of non-co-operation, they called upon the people to stop drinking, paying the taxes and to cut down the toddy trees.
The Congress shifted its activities to the Union districts bordering the Nizam State when the anti-Nizam and anti-feudal struggle had taken a serious turn and when the Razakars intensified their attacks on the villages. Some of them had formed some armed squads and called the actions carried on by them as “armed struggle” and “liberation Struggle”. It was funny that these squads were always avoiding coming into clash with the Nizam police and Razakars. Occasionally, they were carrying on raids on Nizam’s check-posts on the borders. These raids too were stage managed. The customs officials were leaving the posts together with their records the moment these squads went for a raid. The All India Radio was giving a wide publicity to this drama of raids. These squads were looting the people in the villages in the name of collecting the taxes. At the same time the Congress men were engaged in a slander campaign against the Communist Party and the squads led by it. This was the time when the talks began between the Indian Union and Nizam.
As noted by VP Menon, the then secretary of the Home Ministry of Estate Affairs in his book, “The Integration of Indian Estates”, the word “Liberation” was never uttered by the Union side in its 18 months long talks with the Nizam State . The Indian Government concentrated on how to bring the Nizam State into some form of relationship with the Indian Union. Nizam too was preparing for this as he found, in view of the changed political situation, the British masters too were not in favour of an independent Hyderabad state. At the same time, he was under a constant pressure from the Ittehad-ul-Musalmeen and Razakars not to arrive at an agreement with the Indian Union.
The ongoing peasant revolutionary movement and armed struggle were another powerful factor at the time. The Indian Union as well as Nizam were very much worried about this ‘common head-ache’. Their assessment was that any delay in reaching an agreement will be harmful to both of them. It will turn the situation totally favourable to the Communists.
Only because of it, the Governor General of India and Nizam Usman Ali Khan signed a “Status quo-Agreement” on Nov 27, 1947. In essence, this Agreement allowed Nizam to maintain an Autonomous status, while, at the same time, having relations with the Indian Union. KM Munshi was appointed as Delhi ’s Agent General (Representative). As VP Menon wrote in his book, Prime Minister Nehru had assured the British represntative at Hyderbad Sir Waltyer Monekton, that the Indian Government will not resort to any attack against the state. Nizam had moved in the direction of coming to an understanding with the Indian state as his regime was crumbling under the fire of peasant revolutionary movement.
Police Action
In this situation, the Indian Government resorted to Police Action (it was called, “Operation Polo”) from Sept 13, 1948. The entire drama of “liberation” or “integration” was over in four days. Nizam surrendered with no resistance what so ever. For Razakars, who were facing the raging flames of people’s anger, the Jails had become safe shelters. The Indian Government took all the care not to cause any hurt to Nizam as a person, to his properties and honour. Not only this. It awarded him the title, “Raj Pramukh” and gifted a bulky yearly privy purse of Rs.25 Lakhs. It allowed him to retain and enjoy with all rights all the wealth and properties which he accumulated by plundering the people for years. It set free all the Razakars, barring a few. They were neither tried in a court of Law nor by a Military Commission for the innumerable crimes committed by them against the people. It was really amusing to listen to some leaders like IK Gujral who told that the ‘credit goes to country’s leaders for a successful integration of Nizam State into the Indian Union without shedding a drop of blood’. These preachers of “peace” and “non-violence” conveniently chose to close their eyes to the fact that vast masses of people, democratic and national forces under the leadership of Communist Party had shed blood in the course of struggle against Nizam’s rule and feudalism. They made supreme sacrifices and experienced worst brutalities. It was this heroic struggle which had, in reality, broken the backbone of Nizma’s rule. On one side, Nizam’s rule found itself on the brink of collapse as a result of peasant revolutionary movement. On the other side, though the Indian Government brandished the sword at Nizam in the form of Police Action, it had showered all the kindness and friendship on him. It came to his aid to enable him to enjoy all the honours and privileges and to protect him from being swept away by the rising tide of peasant revolutionary movement. Here lies the secret of “blood-less liberation”.
Police Action Shed People’s Blood
As far as the masses of people and the Communists were concerned the Police Action was most brutal. As the then secretary of Home Minister, VP Menon, himself admitted in his book, “The Integration of Indian states”, the suppression of Communists was one of the aims of Police Action. Why the Nehru Government and the new ruling classes who claimed themselves as the symbols of democracy, progress and socialism needed to suppress the Communists in Telangana? Because, here in Telangana the Communists did not confine themselves to mere declarations. They led the people into revolutionary action against feudalism, Nizam’s autocratic rule and for thorough-going democratic changes in the economic, social and political life of society. Because, if the struggle sustains, it shall spread to more areas, advance and become stronger. It shall tear off the progressive masks of the new rulers. It shall expose their anti-people character. It shall become dangerous to the very existence of the system, the reigns of which they had taken into their hands from the British colonialists.
Once this farce of ‘integration’ was over within four days, the Police Action has begun, in the real sense of the term, in the areas where the peasant revolutionary movement was strong and it went on for three years. It gave courage to the landlords who were till then hiding in the cities and police camps. Aided by the landlords, the armed forces of Indian Government carried on attacks on the villages, people, communists and the guerrilla squads. For days together at one stretch, they went on a killing spree and carried on worst brutalities, destruction and loot of people’s properties. The Police Action made the restoration of lands, properties and authority of landlords possible crushing the people’s resistance.
Four thousand Communists, people’s fighters and common people had lost their lives as a consequence of this massacre. Thousands of people were subjected to brutalities. Many were tortured in police camps and thrown into jails. The police brutally destroyed the new life, freedom, peace and stability people had won through their struggle.
Slander about collusion between Communists and Razakars
Advani, commander -in-chief of the Hindu Communal fascist forces, had tried to spread a slander which was thrown in the dust bin 50 years back. In 1947, when the talk about Azad Hyderabad was being heard in Nizam’s camp and when the Indian Governments intervention was being expected, some Communist leaders in Hyderabad issued a statement airing the idea of independent Hyderabad state. The Indian Government had given it wide publicity by airing this un-authorised, irresponsible and harmful statement in the AIR in an attempt to unleash a slander campaign against the Communists. However, this statement was immediately, categorically and openly denounced by the Andhra State Committee as well as the Central Committee of the Communist Party. The people and the political forces in those days were aware of this fact. But the AIR deliberately suppressed this statement and news.
The Communists at the time stood for an united democratic state of Telugu-speaking people. The heroic struggle led by them against feudalism and Nizam’s autocratic rule would have cleared the ground for an all round progress of overwhelming masses of people. The Communists and the people fought against the Razakars ever since they made their appearance on the scene because the Communists were clear that the Razakars were not only communalists, but also a fascist paramilitary force in defence of landlordism and Nizam State .
When the Congress began the so called armed struggle, the Communist Party took all the care to avoid clashes with them and concentrated the fire of people’s struggle against Nizam police, Razakars and the landlords. Even when the Police Action has commenced, the Communist Party directed its main attack against Nizam’s Police, Razakars and the landlords. It was a people’s revolutionary struggle. Thousands of people moved into action under the leadership of Communist Party, guerrilla squads and carried on attacks against Nizam’s police and Razakar camps. The people seized the arms from them. The forts of feudal landlords — hated centres of feudal oppression — were reduced into heaps of ash in the midst of rising flames of people’s anger. The people laid the roads and built Martyrs Columns on the soil where the dismantled forts once existed. The people ploughed those lands and turned them into agricultural fields. They seized thousands of bags of rice lying hoarded in the granaries of landlords and distributed it among themselves. They caught hold of Razakars, held open trails and gave suitable punishments to them. At the same time, the people had another bitter experience. Under the cover of liberating Telangana, the Indian Army, entered the scene to carry out a definite mission set for it by the Indian Government Accordingly, it gunned down the people and Communists. It had done everything to save Nizam’s police, Razakars and landlords from the people and thus safeguard the feudal system and autocratic rule.
It is already 55 years since the withdrawal of Telangana Peasant Armed Struggle. Yet, it is still alive in the hearts of Indian People. It is shall remain alive for its experiences and lessons. This struggle, which was withdrawn in 1951 had reappeared after 16 years in the form of peasant revolutionary movement in Naxalbari, Srikakulam, Debra-Gopiballapur, Mushahiri, Lakhimpur-Kheri, Khammam, Warangal , East Godavari and other areas. The revolutionary path adopted by the people of Telangana continues to illuminate the path of exploited and oppressed masses of the Indian people even today. The fact that Advani and people of his ilk are vomiting venom and are carrying on slander campaign against the Communists only expose their fear for a people’s revolution. However, they cannot escape from the history’s final verdict. No one can separate the Communist Revolutionaries from people. No one can stop them from providing leadership to the New Democratic Revolution.
Madhu http://cpiml.in/061119.htm
Telangana Liberation – A Peoples Struggle
After a great struggle and sacrifice of Indian people, the British parliament passed an act. It was the act of independence 1947. According to this act, two separate countries, Indian union and Pakistan came in to existence on 15th August 1947. British declared Independence to more than 500 princely states along with India and Pakistan. These princely states were out side the British Indian Dominion. British gave to these princely states their own independent decision to chalk out their future course. They were left free to join either of the states i.e., India and Pakistan or to remain as separate independent states. Sardar Vallabhai Patel, the then Deputy Prime Minister of India took a stern actions to integrate all the princely states. With a stroke of pen all the princely states except Kashmir, Hyderabad state and JunaGadh, decided to join Indian Union.
The people of Junagadh rose in revolt. The Government of India was forced to take over the control of the Junagadh. Jammu and Kashmir remained as independent state for some time but Pakistan encouraged people in North West and also invaded Jammu and Kashmir at that moment. The Maharaja of Kashmir appeared to Indian union and signed the instrument of accession. . The Indian troops went into Jammu and Kashmir and fought the invading forces, and thus Jammu and Kashmir became part of India.
The state of Hyderabad was very big in area. There were 8 Districts of Atraf Balda, Medak, Nizamabad, Mahabubnagar, Nalgonda, Warangal, Karimnagar and Adilabad districts in Telangana; 6 districts, Aurangabad, Nanded, Beed, Osmanabad, Bidar and Parbhani, Maratwada. Gulbarga and Raichur, 2 districts in Karnataka area. Altogether there were 16 districts. Mir Osman Ali Khan, the Nizam of Hyderabad was the ruler. He was having his own currency, postage and stamps. He had his own railways Nizam state railway (N.S.Railway), Bus services, airport and air-services. He had his own armed forces. The state was rich with abundance of minerals, coal, iron, and other valuable metal reserves, further more he was regarded as the wealthiest king in the world. Keeping in view of all the resources, wealth and abundance of natural resources, the aristocrats, i.e. the Nawabs and Jagirdhars, who were around him provoked and forced the Nizam of Hyderabad to declare independence.
On 15th August 1947, the Nizam declared independence and the yellow coloured flag the Asafjahi Jhanda was hoisted. Though the ruler was a Muslim, the majority of people in the state were Hindus. Obviously majority of the people wanted to join the Indian Union.
Sensing revolt from the people, the Nawabs and Jagirdars began to make plans to crush down the upsurge of the people if any.
Laique Ali was the chief minister and he was the mastermind behind the entire aftermath happenings in the state. A private army called "Razakars" was formed. Most of the Muslim youth were enrolled as Razakars and they were given military training. "Khasim Razvi" an High court advocate was made the state leader of the Razakars, Razakars is a urdu word meaning "volunteer". General public in the state were very much disappointed and protested against the imperialism of the Nizam rule. Some people went under ground and fought against the police and Razakars. But the regular police along with the Razakars let loose the terror among the people. There was arson, loot, murder and rapes through out the state. The unrest and upsurge of the people were called disturbances. With the pretext of maintaining peace the regular police and Razakars committed all kinds of atrocities, some of the rich people went out of the state and took shelter in the neighboring states of Indian union. Particularly the people of Telangana area went to Andhra area. The Telangana people, who expected sympathetic treatment from the Andhra people, were greatly disappointed. Instead of showing sympathy and stretching helping hand, they ill-treated them. At every place they were humiliated and insulted. All the essential commodities and foodstuffs were sold to the telangana people at double rates. The house rents were also increased. Thus the telangana people suffered economically and mentally. Here in the towns and cities, the locks of the vacant houses were broken and they were occupied by the Muslims brought from the villages, where there was threat to their lives from the Communists. Almost all the big towns and cities were full of Muslims. The plight of Hindus in these towns was very miserable. There was constant fear and terror and they were living with a danger to their lives. In those days every Muslim even a boy used to say that Hindus were "Gaddar", "Gaddar" is an Urdu word which means, "traitor".
Among the people who remained in their houses the police took some prominent persons in to custody that they thought could organize and create trouble. They were put in jails. In Jangaon also some prominent person like Peddi Narayana, Dr.Shankar Rao, K.P.S.Menon, Arvapalli Narayana, U.V.S.Shastri and Harakari Srinivasa Rao were taken in to custody and put in Chenchalguda Central Jail in Hyderabad. Like wise all over the state police arrested a number of influential and prominent people and put them in central jails. Due to the short of place in jails, the Ajanta and Ellora caves were also made Jails. Dasharathi Krishnama Chari, the state poet was also arrested and kept in the Ellora and Ajanta caves as prisoner, where he wrote his familiar poetic line, "Naa Telangana, Koti Ratanala Veena", such was the patriotism of Telangana people.
During the period of Nizam, there were a number of Deshmukhs, Jagirdars and Jamindars who were familiarly called as "Doras". With the blessings of Nizam Doras enjoyed full powers to rule the villages at their will and they used to collect the land revenue too. All the villagers, living in small huts were either tenants of their lands or workers working in their fields. These Deshmukhs were very cruel, notorious and unkind to the people. The atrocities of these Deshmukhs were no less than the Razakars. Particularly in Telangana Region there were a great number of Deshmukhs, who let loose the terror and violence among the villagers. Hence the people of this region were forced to join the Communist movement only to check and stop the atrocities of these "Doras".
In old Jangaon taluk there is a village named Visnoor, where Rapaka Ramachandra Reddy was the Deshmukh. There were 60 villages under his control. He built a big bunglow with the free labor of the villagers. Nothing was paid to the workers. It is called "Vetti". The workers and other villagers rose against the Deshmukh. They could not tolerate the atrocities of the Deshmukh and his hench men. There was a fierce battle between his men and villagers. Many villagers were seriously injured and "Doddi Komaraiah" was killed. At that time the Andhra Mahasabha led the people movement. They held a big rally in Jangaon town and arranged seminars and meetings for three days where "Doddi Komaraiah gate" was erected in his memory. Many leaders like Ravinarayana Reddy, Baddam Ella Reddy, Arutla Ramchandra Reddy and his wife Arutla Kamala Devi and Arutla Laxminarasimha Reddy spoke. They described Visnoor Deshmukh as "Kaliyuga Ravanasoor". Slowly the struggle started by the common people of the region against the imperialism, started bending towards communism. Thus communism got its birth in this area mainly because of Visnoor Deshmukh.
During the period of Razakars i.e. after the Nizam of Hyderabad declared independence the entire state of Hyderabad was caught in fear and terror and full of disturbances every where. At that time lakhs of Muslims came to Hyderabad in special trains from Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Orissa. They were all uneducated workers land laborers. Their clothes were shabby and dirty. They were called " Phanagazeen". It is a urdu word meaning "refugees". So the entire responsibility of their rehabilitation fell on the state administration. The Nawabs, Jagirdars and Deshmukhs took some of these refugees to their areas and looked after them. They were given food and shelter. These refugees were also given the army training and they were also supplied guns and made Razakars. These refugees were used to crush the peoples struggle and upsurge.
Babu Dora was the elder son of Visnoor Deshmukh. He was very cruel and notorious. He took hundreds of these refugees to Visnoor and kept them under his control. They not only guarded the Deshmukh building but let loose terror and committed atrocities among the villagers Babu Dora along with the armed gang of these refugees used to go to some villages and harassed the villagers. Every day Babu Dora killed one or more persons wherever he went. In Devaruppula village three persons were burnt alive. He was so notorious that he made some of the women dance naked. Villagers were very much afraid of this Babu Dora. So the Communists of this area fought against these forces. Under this Visnoor Deshmukh there was one village named "Kadavendi". A youth by name "Nalla Narsimhulu" of this village became the leader of Communists of this area.
All the Deshmukhs and police personnel were afraid of Nalla Narsimhulu. They could not get sound sleep to hear his name. Gabbeta Tirmal Reddy and his brother Madhav Reddy were also organizers of Communists and fought against the feudalists and their atrocities. Arutla Ramchandra Reddy and his wife Arutla Kamala Devi, and Arutla Laxminarsimha Reddy organized the Communist Dalams in Alair and Bhongir area. All these leaders had to go under ground and organized armed dalams and fought against the police and Razakars.
To counter the uprising of the people in Jangaon area, a special Deputy Collector was posted at Jangaon. He was given extra-ordinary powers and the armed special police battalions to crush the peoples upsurge and to maintain peace, law and order in this area. In Jangaon, just behind our house there was a private Muslim doctor, by name Azeejullah. He was well versed in Telugu language. He used to tell Harikathas in Telugu. Azeejullah was made leader of Razakars in Jangaon. The deputy collector used to go to one or two villages every day along with special police and Razakars with the pretext of maintaining peace in the area. Doctor Azeezullah, the leader of the Razakars used to give lectures in Telugu supporting to the government and to eliminate the Communists who were regarded as unsocial elements.
Whenever the villagers heard the sounds of approaching trucks and lorries the men and youth used to run away from their houses without even caring for their children and women. They used to run away in to the fields and forests to save their lives. The villagers who ever remained in villages were gathered at central place and enquired as to who gave food and shelter to the Communists, and then police took such people under their custody. Meanwhile the Razakars attacked the houses and took away all the costly and useful articles, most of the villagers were beaten and killed and the women were humiliated, insulted even some were raped. There was arson, loot, murder and rape wherever the Razakars went. The police use to take some of the youth to taluk headquarters i.e. Jangaon and they were beat and tortured for some days and lastly they were taken out side Jangaon town and shot dead at a small hillock called "Pottigutta”. The dead bodies were left in the open place to rot and were eaten away by beasts and vultures. There was evil smell of the dead bodies around the Jangaon town. The regular police and Razakars under the direction of government officers and the deputy collector committed all these atrocities.
On the other side whenever the Communists entered the villages they also used to enquiry as to who gave information to the police. They used to beat them and took them out side the village and sometimes even killed them. The people in the villages were living in the state of terror and fear feeling threat from both sides i.e. the police and Razakars on one side and Communists on the other side. Their plight was very miserable.
In every state there was a representative of Indian government called resident. Sri K.M.Munshi was the resident on Hyderabad state. He stayed at Thirumalagiri near Bollaram. There was some Indian army with him. Indian government received the reports from Sri K.M.Munshi that there was complete break down of law and order in the state and people are agitating against the Nizam government. But the state government sent contradicting reports stating that there were no disturbances at all in the state. There was perfect peace and no reasons for the Indian government to doubt the Hyderabad state authority in maintaining the law and order .
Villagers in the state particularly in Jangaon taluk was very much vexed with the atrocities of the police and Razakars. There is a village named Bahiranpalli in Jangaon taluk. This village had a "Buruj" built of mud and stones and it was in the centre of the village. By standing on the "Buruz" one can see all around the village. So they employed some youth and kept them on this buruz to guard day and night with guns. They kept watch on borders of the village. They used to fire from the top of "Buruz" and prevented the police and Razakars and even Communists. Thus they protected themselves and saved lives of their children and families.
The deputy collector of Jangaon one day went to this village along with his armed special police and Razakars as a routine of his mission to maintain peace among the villagers, when the guards on the "buruz" of village saw the vehicles of the police and Razakars, they started firing. The police also fired at the "buruz" but could not break it. Further the police and the Razakars could not go even a step forward and counter the incessant firing from the guards of the village. The deputy collector felt humiliated and went back to Jangaon. He sent a wireless message to Nalgonda, the district head quarters. In his message he stated that a few villages at Bahiranpally area are acting as the centers of Communist activity. They have built a strong "Morchas" and also strong-armed men to fight against the government forces. He also requested to send some additional forces with strong machine guns and cannons.
The next day additional special reserved police with military trucks, guns and cannons arrived at Jangaon on 27th August 1948. The deputy collector went to village of Bhairanpally along with his special police battalion and Razakars. At first the police surrounded the entire village so that no one can run out of the village. Then they fired the cannons aimed at the buruj. At once the upper part of the buruz collapsed and the guards on it had to run away from there. Then the police and Razakars entered the village and killed all the youth and men leaving only the children, old men and women. The entire village was full of blood and dead bodies. It was a mass killing. It reminded of the massacre of Jallianwalla Bagh in Punjab on 13th April 1919, where more than 1000 men were killed and several thousands got wounded. It was the most uncivilized atrocity. The Govt. of India got the reports of this massacre committed by the regular police. Sardhar Vallabhai Patel sent a warning to the government of Hyderabad state. He stated that the state government failed to maintain the law and order in the state and its people were put to many unseen and unknown troubles and many people were killed. So the government of India was forced to send its own army to the state of Hyderabad to maintain the law land order to save the lives and properties of the common people. If the state government tried to prevent the army from entering in to the state the army will take action and use force. The state government of Hyderabad protested and countered that the Government of India was having a false report. There are no disturbances in the state. There is complete peace and law and order is fully maintained.
But at zero hours on 13th September 1948, the Indian army started moving in to the state on all sides. On the same day two fighter planes came to Mamnoor police camp and bombed the Aerodrome so that no plane from out side can come and land there. When the army from eastern side came to Khammam, the Razakars went in side the fort and closed the doors and fired on the Indian troops from inside the fort. Two bombers fighters came and bombed the fort from above. Thus the Indian troops advanced from all sides and major general J.N.Chowdhary who advanced from Maharashtra side could reach the Hyderabad on 17th September 1948 and made the Nizam of Hyderabad to declare that he is joining the Indian union. Thus the Indian government took over the control of the administration of the state on 17th September 1948. That is the day Telangana has been liberated.
Major General J.N.Chowdary was made the military administrator of the state. The state of Hyderabad was under the military rule for one year. Even after the military took over the administration of the state, the Communist who went under ground did not stop their movement to fight against the imperialism of the Deshmukhs. Nalgonda and Warangal districts were declared disturbed areas and General Nanjappa was appointed special officer for these two districts. He was given extraordinary powers to crush the Communist movement. Many Communist leaders were taken as prisoners and presented before the court for legal proceedings. Nalla Narasimhulu the Communist leader who terrified the Deshmukhs and Nizam was arrested and presented before the court. After the trial for few years in different courts the Supreme Court acquitted him finally. He continued as the leader of the Communist party and lived in Jangaon till his death. Gabbeta Tirumal Reddy who was also arrested but was killed by the army in a fake encounter. Arutla Ramachandra Reddy and his wife Arutla Kamaladevi and Arutla Laxminarsimha Reddy were arrested and after the trials in the court they were acquitted. Charabuddi Jagga Reddy father of Sri Charabuddi Dayakar Reddy, the present Chairman of the C.D.R.Hospital Hyderabad was also an under ground Communist leader. He was also arrested and after the trial in the court he was acquitted. Ravi Narayana Reddy, Baddam Yella Reddy and Govind Rao Sharab were the leading Communist leaders. They contested the general elections and won the elections. Arutla Ramachandra Reddy and his wife also contested and represented the Communist party in the assembly. Sri Ravi Narayana Reddy contested parliament elections and won the Nalgonda parliament seat with highest number of votes in whole of India. Thus the under ground movement of Communist came to an end. Magdoom Mohiuddin a Communist and a well known journalist won MLA seat from Jangaon. The Communists left the armed struggle and started participating in the mainstream political process and contested the assembly and parliament elections. The underground movement of armed struggle came to an end once forever.
Jai Telangana Jai Jai Telangana
Maroju Srihari (Retd. D.E.O),
Jangaon, Warangal Dt.
The people of Junagadh rose in revolt. The Government of India was forced to take over the control of the Junagadh. Jammu and Kashmir remained as independent state for some time but Pakistan encouraged people in North West and also invaded Jammu and Kashmir at that moment. The Maharaja of Kashmir appeared to Indian union and signed the instrument of accession. . The Indian troops went into Jammu and Kashmir and fought the invading forces, and thus Jammu and Kashmir became part of India.
The state of Hyderabad was very big in area. There were 8 Districts of Atraf Balda, Medak, Nizamabad, Mahabubnagar, Nalgonda, Warangal, Karimnagar and Adilabad districts in Telangana; 6 districts, Aurangabad, Nanded, Beed, Osmanabad, Bidar and Parbhani, Maratwada. Gulbarga and Raichur, 2 districts in Karnataka area. Altogether there were 16 districts. Mir Osman Ali Khan, the Nizam of Hyderabad was the ruler. He was having his own currency, postage and stamps. He had his own railways Nizam state railway (N.S.Railway), Bus services, airport and air-services. He had his own armed forces. The state was rich with abundance of minerals, coal, iron, and other valuable metal reserves, further more he was regarded as the wealthiest king in the world. Keeping in view of all the resources, wealth and abundance of natural resources, the aristocrats, i.e. the Nawabs and Jagirdhars, who were around him provoked and forced the Nizam of Hyderabad to declare independence.
On 15th August 1947, the Nizam declared independence and the yellow coloured flag the Asafjahi Jhanda was hoisted. Though the ruler was a Muslim, the majority of people in the state were Hindus. Obviously majority of the people wanted to join the Indian Union.
Sensing revolt from the people, the Nawabs and Jagirdars began to make plans to crush down the upsurge of the people if any.
Laique Ali was the chief minister and he was the mastermind behind the entire aftermath happenings in the state. A private army called "Razakars" was formed. Most of the Muslim youth were enrolled as Razakars and they were given military training. "Khasim Razvi" an High court advocate was made the state leader of the Razakars, Razakars is a urdu word meaning "volunteer". General public in the state were very much disappointed and protested against the imperialism of the Nizam rule. Some people went under ground and fought against the police and Razakars. But the regular police along with the Razakars let loose the terror among the people. There was arson, loot, murder and rapes through out the state. The unrest and upsurge of the people were called disturbances. With the pretext of maintaining peace the regular police and Razakars committed all kinds of atrocities, some of the rich people went out of the state and took shelter in the neighboring states of Indian union. Particularly the people of Telangana area went to Andhra area. The Telangana people, who expected sympathetic treatment from the Andhra people, were greatly disappointed. Instead of showing sympathy and stretching helping hand, they ill-treated them. At every place they were humiliated and insulted. All the essential commodities and foodstuffs were sold to the telangana people at double rates. The house rents were also increased. Thus the telangana people suffered economically and mentally. Here in the towns and cities, the locks of the vacant houses were broken and they were occupied by the Muslims brought from the villages, where there was threat to their lives from the Communists. Almost all the big towns and cities were full of Muslims. The plight of Hindus in these towns was very miserable. There was constant fear and terror and they were living with a danger to their lives. In those days every Muslim even a boy used to say that Hindus were "Gaddar", "Gaddar" is an Urdu word which means, "traitor".
Among the people who remained in their houses the police took some prominent persons in to custody that they thought could organize and create trouble. They were put in jails. In Jangaon also some prominent person like Peddi Narayana, Dr.Shankar Rao, K.P.S.Menon, Arvapalli Narayana, U.V.S.Shastri and Harakari Srinivasa Rao were taken in to custody and put in Chenchalguda Central Jail in Hyderabad. Like wise all over the state police arrested a number of influential and prominent people and put them in central jails. Due to the short of place in jails, the Ajanta and Ellora caves were also made Jails. Dasharathi Krishnama Chari, the state poet was also arrested and kept in the Ellora and Ajanta caves as prisoner, where he wrote his familiar poetic line, "Naa Telangana, Koti Ratanala Veena", such was the patriotism of Telangana people.
During the period of Nizam, there were a number of Deshmukhs, Jagirdars and Jamindars who were familiarly called as "Doras". With the blessings of Nizam Doras enjoyed full powers to rule the villages at their will and they used to collect the land revenue too. All the villagers, living in small huts were either tenants of their lands or workers working in their fields. These Deshmukhs were very cruel, notorious and unkind to the people. The atrocities of these Deshmukhs were no less than the Razakars. Particularly in Telangana Region there were a great number of Deshmukhs, who let loose the terror and violence among the villagers. Hence the people of this region were forced to join the Communist movement only to check and stop the atrocities of these "Doras".
In old Jangaon taluk there is a village named Visnoor, where Rapaka Ramachandra Reddy was the Deshmukh. There were 60 villages under his control. He built a big bunglow with the free labor of the villagers. Nothing was paid to the workers. It is called "Vetti". The workers and other villagers rose against the Deshmukh. They could not tolerate the atrocities of the Deshmukh and his hench men. There was a fierce battle between his men and villagers. Many villagers were seriously injured and "Doddi Komaraiah" was killed. At that time the Andhra Mahasabha led the people movement. They held a big rally in Jangaon town and arranged seminars and meetings for three days where "Doddi Komaraiah gate" was erected in his memory. Many leaders like Ravinarayana Reddy, Baddam Ella Reddy, Arutla Ramchandra Reddy and his wife Arutla Kamala Devi and Arutla Laxminarasimha Reddy spoke. They described Visnoor Deshmukh as "Kaliyuga Ravanasoor". Slowly the struggle started by the common people of the region against the imperialism, started bending towards communism. Thus communism got its birth in this area mainly because of Visnoor Deshmukh.
During the period of Razakars i.e. after the Nizam of Hyderabad declared independence the entire state of Hyderabad was caught in fear and terror and full of disturbances every where. At that time lakhs of Muslims came to Hyderabad in special trains from Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Orissa. They were all uneducated workers land laborers. Their clothes were shabby and dirty. They were called " Phanagazeen". It is a urdu word meaning "refugees". So the entire responsibility of their rehabilitation fell on the state administration. The Nawabs, Jagirdars and Deshmukhs took some of these refugees to their areas and looked after them. They were given food and shelter. These refugees were also given the army training and they were also supplied guns and made Razakars. These refugees were used to crush the peoples struggle and upsurge.
Babu Dora was the elder son of Visnoor Deshmukh. He was very cruel and notorious. He took hundreds of these refugees to Visnoor and kept them under his control. They not only guarded the Deshmukh building but let loose terror and committed atrocities among the villagers Babu Dora along with the armed gang of these refugees used to go to some villages and harassed the villagers. Every day Babu Dora killed one or more persons wherever he went. In Devaruppula village three persons were burnt alive. He was so notorious that he made some of the women dance naked. Villagers were very much afraid of this Babu Dora. So the Communists of this area fought against these forces. Under this Visnoor Deshmukh there was one village named "Kadavendi". A youth by name "Nalla Narsimhulu" of this village became the leader of Communists of this area.
All the Deshmukhs and police personnel were afraid of Nalla Narsimhulu. They could not get sound sleep to hear his name. Gabbeta Tirmal Reddy and his brother Madhav Reddy were also organizers of Communists and fought against the feudalists and their atrocities. Arutla Ramchandra Reddy and his wife Arutla Kamala Devi, and Arutla Laxminarsimha Reddy organized the Communist Dalams in Alair and Bhongir area. All these leaders had to go under ground and organized armed dalams and fought against the police and Razakars.
To counter the uprising of the people in Jangaon area, a special Deputy Collector was posted at Jangaon. He was given extra-ordinary powers and the armed special police battalions to crush the peoples upsurge and to maintain peace, law and order in this area. In Jangaon, just behind our house there was a private Muslim doctor, by name Azeejullah. He was well versed in Telugu language. He used to tell Harikathas in Telugu. Azeejullah was made leader of Razakars in Jangaon. The deputy collector used to go to one or two villages every day along with special police and Razakars with the pretext of maintaining peace in the area. Doctor Azeezullah, the leader of the Razakars used to give lectures in Telugu supporting to the government and to eliminate the Communists who were regarded as unsocial elements.
Whenever the villagers heard the sounds of approaching trucks and lorries the men and youth used to run away from their houses without even caring for their children and women. They used to run away in to the fields and forests to save their lives. The villagers who ever remained in villages were gathered at central place and enquired as to who gave food and shelter to the Communists, and then police took such people under their custody. Meanwhile the Razakars attacked the houses and took away all the costly and useful articles, most of the villagers were beaten and killed and the women were humiliated, insulted even some were raped. There was arson, loot, murder and rape wherever the Razakars went. The police use to take some of the youth to taluk headquarters i.e. Jangaon and they were beat and tortured for some days and lastly they were taken out side Jangaon town and shot dead at a small hillock called "Pottigutta”. The dead bodies were left in the open place to rot and were eaten away by beasts and vultures. There was evil smell of the dead bodies around the Jangaon town. The regular police and Razakars under the direction of government officers and the deputy collector committed all these atrocities.
On the other side whenever the Communists entered the villages they also used to enquiry as to who gave information to the police. They used to beat them and took them out side the village and sometimes even killed them. The people in the villages were living in the state of terror and fear feeling threat from both sides i.e. the police and Razakars on one side and Communists on the other side. Their plight was very miserable.
In every state there was a representative of Indian government called resident. Sri K.M.Munshi was the resident on Hyderabad state. He stayed at Thirumalagiri near Bollaram. There was some Indian army with him. Indian government received the reports from Sri K.M.Munshi that there was complete break down of law and order in the state and people are agitating against the Nizam government. But the state government sent contradicting reports stating that there were no disturbances at all in the state. There was perfect peace and no reasons for the Indian government to doubt the Hyderabad state authority in maintaining the law and order .
Villagers in the state particularly in Jangaon taluk was very much vexed with the atrocities of the police and Razakars. There is a village named Bahiranpalli in Jangaon taluk. This village had a "Buruj" built of mud and stones and it was in the centre of the village. By standing on the "Buruz" one can see all around the village. So they employed some youth and kept them on this buruz to guard day and night with guns. They kept watch on borders of the village. They used to fire from the top of "Buruz" and prevented the police and Razakars and even Communists. Thus they protected themselves and saved lives of their children and families.
The deputy collector of Jangaon one day went to this village along with his armed special police and Razakars as a routine of his mission to maintain peace among the villagers, when the guards on the "buruz" of village saw the vehicles of the police and Razakars, they started firing. The police also fired at the "buruz" but could not break it. Further the police and the Razakars could not go even a step forward and counter the incessant firing from the guards of the village. The deputy collector felt humiliated and went back to Jangaon. He sent a wireless message to Nalgonda, the district head quarters. In his message he stated that a few villages at Bahiranpally area are acting as the centers of Communist activity. They have built a strong "Morchas" and also strong-armed men to fight against the government forces. He also requested to send some additional forces with strong machine guns and cannons.
The next day additional special reserved police with military trucks, guns and cannons arrived at Jangaon on 27th August 1948. The deputy collector went to village of Bhairanpally along with his special police battalion and Razakars. At first the police surrounded the entire village so that no one can run out of the village. Then they fired the cannons aimed at the buruj. At once the upper part of the buruz collapsed and the guards on it had to run away from there. Then the police and Razakars entered the village and killed all the youth and men leaving only the children, old men and women. The entire village was full of blood and dead bodies. It was a mass killing. It reminded of the massacre of Jallianwalla Bagh in Punjab on 13th April 1919, where more than 1000 men were killed and several thousands got wounded. It was the most uncivilized atrocity. The Govt. of India got the reports of this massacre committed by the regular police. Sardhar Vallabhai Patel sent a warning to the government of Hyderabad state. He stated that the state government failed to maintain the law and order in the state and its people were put to many unseen and unknown troubles and many people were killed. So the government of India was forced to send its own army to the state of Hyderabad to maintain the law land order to save the lives and properties of the common people. If the state government tried to prevent the army from entering in to the state the army will take action and use force. The state government of Hyderabad protested and countered that the Government of India was having a false report. There are no disturbances in the state. There is complete peace and law and order is fully maintained.
But at zero hours on 13th September 1948, the Indian army started moving in to the state on all sides. On the same day two fighter planes came to Mamnoor police camp and bombed the Aerodrome so that no plane from out side can come and land there. When the army from eastern side came to Khammam, the Razakars went in side the fort and closed the doors and fired on the Indian troops from inside the fort. Two bombers fighters came and bombed the fort from above. Thus the Indian troops advanced from all sides and major general J.N.Chowdhary who advanced from Maharashtra side could reach the Hyderabad on 17th September 1948 and made the Nizam of Hyderabad to declare that he is joining the Indian union. Thus the Indian government took over the control of the administration of the state on 17th September 1948. That is the day Telangana has been liberated.
Major General J.N.Chowdary was made the military administrator of the state. The state of Hyderabad was under the military rule for one year. Even after the military took over the administration of the state, the Communist who went under ground did not stop their movement to fight against the imperialism of the Deshmukhs. Nalgonda and Warangal districts were declared disturbed areas and General Nanjappa was appointed special officer for these two districts. He was given extraordinary powers to crush the Communist movement. Many Communist leaders were taken as prisoners and presented before the court for legal proceedings. Nalla Narasimhulu the Communist leader who terrified the Deshmukhs and Nizam was arrested and presented before the court. After the trial for few years in different courts the Supreme Court acquitted him finally. He continued as the leader of the Communist party and lived in Jangaon till his death. Gabbeta Tirumal Reddy who was also arrested but was killed by the army in a fake encounter. Arutla Ramachandra Reddy and his wife Arutla Kamaladevi and Arutla Laxminarsimha Reddy were arrested and after the trials in the court they were acquitted. Charabuddi Jagga Reddy father of Sri Charabuddi Dayakar Reddy, the present Chairman of the C.D.R.Hospital Hyderabad was also an under ground Communist leader. He was also arrested and after the trial in the court he was acquitted. Ravi Narayana Reddy, Baddam Yella Reddy and Govind Rao Sharab were the leading Communist leaders. They contested the general elections and won the elections. Arutla Ramachandra Reddy and his wife also contested and represented the Communist party in the assembly. Sri Ravi Narayana Reddy contested parliament elections and won the Nalgonda parliament seat with highest number of votes in whole of India. Thus the under ground movement of Communist came to an end. Magdoom Mohiuddin a Communist and a well known journalist won MLA seat from Jangaon. The Communists left the armed struggle and started participating in the mainstream political process and contested the assembly and parliament elections. The underground movement of armed struggle came to an end once forever.
Jai Telangana Jai Jai Telangana
Maroju Srihari (Retd. D.E.O),
Jangaon, Warangal Dt.
Friday, November 10, 2006
Political Sabotage In Telangana: Some Unanswered Questions
08 November, 2006
There are several instances in the history of political movements in India and elsewhere that show how the question of leadership assumes very significance. Although movements are supposed to throw leaders and elevate them during the course of movements, the other way round is also possible in the case of some popular movements in the country. Take the case of Jai Telangana movement of late 1960s. In this instance, political leaders led the movement to its nadir, but failed to sustain it thereafter, and thus worth noting. The movement attracted the national headlines and thereby secured the popular support in the elections held in 1971. Like the JP Movement of mid 70s, the Jai Telangana movement was a popular youth movement. Incidentally, it was Indira Gandhi who faced the challenges of both these movements, and failed to manipulate them electorally. Failed to respond to such political upheavals in a democratic manner, she had to resort to anti-democratic and coercive means, only to betray the spirit of those movements. Of course, the leaders and followers of these movements tried to shirk their responsibilities for their acts of collusion with Indira Gandhi, overtly or covertly. They proved to be the sabotagers of such historic movements.
In the case of Jai Telangana movement, once Congress Union Steel Minister, Marri Chenna Reddy hijacked the Telangana Praja Samiti (TPS) movement of students and employees of Telangana region of Andhra Pradesh and led it to its successful end. Chenna Reddy replaced its first president A.Madanmohan so as to politicalise the movement. Accordingly, this movement-turned party, that secured the popular mandate in terms of winning 11 Loksabha seats (out of 14 seats), swimming across all the currents against the entrenched Congress and the Communists, from the region. Failed to take on the Durga-Indira Gandhi, the Chenna reddy leadership had to yield to the pressures and favours of the Prime Minister. Thus he had to surrender all the TPS’s MPs to Indira Gandhi for few crumbs and thereby sabotaged the movement once for all. However, there was not much noise raised against the act of betrayal, from any quarter including the followers of the TPS. What is discernible from this instance is that the leadership is like a double-edged sword, which can ensure success of a movement, or else it can water down the movements as and when they choose to do so. Thus, the leadership is very crucial in any democratic movement. Although the Telangana movement has always been a democratic one, as the popular mandate was recorded on couple of occasions, the leadership played a dubious role. Unless the leaders are exemplary, one cannot expect them to perform better.
Was the ‘gentlemen agreement’ not an historical blunder?
It is pertinent to recollect the violation of this agreement by the first ever chief minister of Andhra Pradesh, Neelam Sanjeeva reddy ridiculing the post of Deputy Chief ministership as sixth finger and thus useless! While he served as Deputy Chief Minister in the B.Gopal reddy’s regime till October 31, 1956, the post became ridiculous to him by November 1, 1956! It was one of the six-point formulas that were violated on the very first day of formation of Andhra Pradesh. Leave alone its sanctity and popular support, the six-point alone was the basis for state formation. There was no referendum of our people, nor was there any recommendation of the SRC (which recommended against merger of Telangana with Andhra state, indeed!) to that effect. Even the Hyderabad State Assembly was divided on the hasty decision. Surprisingly, Prime Minister Nehru’s views on the need of continuation of Telangana reflect the feeling of the then Central government.
Then what precipitated the illegal action of hasty merger was the imposition of Andhra Congress leaders’ viewpoint in the form of ‘Gentlemen agreement’, an historical blunder that was never respected either in letter or in spirit. Who were these gentlemen? Which party they belonged to, by and large? It is those congress leaders who were under the control of Congress coterie that played a dubious role so as to bulldoze the Telangana leaders. Since the Congress party members largely represented the ‘gentlemen agreement’, then that party alone has to own the responsibility. Incidentally, the formation of the state was contractual and conditional (as it was subject to six-point formula/gentlemen agreement), and its very violation on the very first day can be understood as negating the state formation itself! How can the contract be continued if one of its conditions were violated? Does it not tantamount to one-sided contract? It is regrettable to note that such one-sided contract has been imposed on Telangana for that past five decades, thanks to its leaders’ stony silence.
Can minority ever outwit the majority?
In the Andhra Pradesh Legislative House of 294 members, only 107 members hail from the Telangana region, which can never have any veto power against the 187 members from non-Telangana areas. Obviously, in the case of any democratic institution, it is the view of the majority that always outwits the minority, not vice versa. Since, there is hardly any protection for a minority viewpoint in the Westminster model (British) of democracy, the minority is bound to bear the brunt of the majority rule. Thus, the rule of majority, that is of non-Telangana areas in Telangana region, for it is merged with Andhra state in 1956, continues unabated. Even if the Chief Minister belongs to the majority party, which obviously has to command majority in non-Telangana areas, he cannot be expected to do develop, leave alone favour, the region the way his people expect him to do so.
For instance, the fate of G.O. No. 610 (that exposes how non-local candidates were appointed against the local quota some 25 years ago) is still hanging in the air. Apparently, almost all political parties favour, in principle, implementing the G.O. No. 610, but did nothing as far as its practicality is concerned. Thus, one can imagine its fate, as its implementation is left to those biased bureaucrats who were actually responsible for the act of illegal recruitment. How come some bureaucrats act so arrogantly that even Girglani had to complain about non-cooperation of government officials in identifying, leave alone punishing, those illegal employees who were appointed long long ago? How come they fail to comply with the norms of government-appointed Girglani commission for more than two years? Where do they get strength from, or tacit cooperation of? How can the government permit such erring officials to continue in office? It is not easy to answer to these questions. For, it is the government that is dominated by the majority in the Assembly of Andhra Pradesh that is responsible for the behaviour of the officials, be it their action of appointing non-locals or inaction of covering up their misdeeds for so long.
Whether the Telangana CMs failed to ‘develop’ the region?
Thus, the arguments of ‘development by Telangana chief ministers’ (P.V.Narsimha Rao, M.Chenna Reddy, T.Anjaiah) can be dismissed as mischievous. It may be noted that Jalagam Vengal Rao who cannot be considered as Telangana leader (as he migrated from Krishna district), and thus continued in office without any interruption! Unlike other Andhra Chief Ministers, Telangana leaders always appointed Deputy Chief Ministers from the Andhra-seema region in their cabinets, so as to implement the six-point formula. Leave alone ‘developing Telangana’ our chief ministers never completed their full term so far. However, paradoxically, it is only non-Telangana chief ministers who not only completed their full terms but also created history. Chandra babu surpassing the record of Brahmananda reddy’s long tenure is a case in point. On the other hand, in the case of Telangana leaders, even a great leader like PV could not continue as chief minister of the state for one full year, whereas he completed five year term as prime minister of India, not withstanding his minority-party status at Delhi! In fact, PV was not a separatist like his predecessors, but an integrationist! However, he had to lose his position (CM) for hailing the decision of Supreme Court w.r.t. Mulki rules, as the Jai Andhra movement demanded his resignation. Of course, it is a different matter that even during PV’s regime, the state of Andhra Pradesh failed to get several pending projects cleared, leave alone developing Telangana! Thus, one can imagine the fate of Telangana, in any sector. Viewed in this backdrop, one finds it odd to offer convincing answers to critics who raise questions like why did Telangana leaders(as CMs and PM) fail to develop the region, why do these leaders keep mum when there were discriminatory policies being pursued, why did the Telangana intellectuals raise their voice only when there were non-congress regimes in the state, and whether there was any mandate for Telangana leaders to share power with the Congress party that makes a volte-face on the demand of state.
In any case, it is ridiculous to view Telangana state demand as demand for either ‘welfare’ or ‘development’, be it regionally or economically, as is propagated by the present chief minister. Because, once such argument is promoted, then there are electoral communists ready to join the chorus of raising the question of ‘backward regions’ and demand to treat Telangana on par with those backward regions of the state viz., Rayalaseema, Uttarandhra etc. Then they would be generously seeking the ‘packages’ ‘development funds’ from the central government and thereby confuse the genuine demand of Telangana state once for all. Further, it is also ridiculous to treat Telangana issue as the issue of ‘size’ or ‘administration’ of the region, as is diplomatically raised by the parties and groups like BJP and RSS. As a matter of fact, once the demand is conceded, the Telangana would be bigger state than those existing 16 states in India today! With a population of more than one and half times of that of Nepal, the Telangana state would be of 3.5 crore size. Unlike other three states which were created by the BJP in the year 2000, the state of Telangana does not require any special money for the construction of its state capital city, as the centuries-old Hyderabad is located in the heart of Telangana itself!
Was it also not the failure of the non-congress parties?
At the other end, it so happened that the non-congress/opposition parties could not influence the ruling parties and leaders w.r.t. development of the region. At least, they could have strove for undertaking some irrigation and power projects here and there in Telangana. Further, these opposition parties failed to fight for ensuring employment opportunities, leave alone establishing some new industries in their region. In the name of industrialising backward region, the Andhra capitalists were cornering concessions and subsidies on the one hand, but they were importing employees from Andhra areas into Telangana-based industries. While Andhra capitalists were permitted to pollute Telangana lands and fields and thereby to derive industrial profits/benefits, they were not asked to employ the local youth in the Telangana industries. Instead, Nizam-established industries were being closed down and sold out to the Andhra entrepreneurs at a throw away prices.
But still these parties, particularly those from the communist ranks, albeit made some noise now and then, but colluded with the ruling parties/regimes, as if the Telangana development was not their botheration. Why is it that the opposition parties were indifferent to rising unemployment in Telangana? Why is that old irrigation projects were not being completed in Telangana, whereas new projects are planned in Andhra region? Pulichintala project that caters to the needs of third crop in the Coastal area is being implemented on war footing is a case in point. Why it is that farmers in the same state were treated in different ways, (for Andhra peasants were provided CHEAP water with canal-irrigation, whereas Telangana peasants were forced to go for COSTLY bore well-irrigation)? Why is it that there were no agitations being launched when non-local candidates were appointed against local quota, affecting the job-prospects of thousands of Telangana youth? Why is it that there were no agitations against the failure of implementing the G.O. No. 610? These are some questions that deserve answers from the communist parties which believe in equity and equality, linguistic unity, working class unity, peoples’ unity etc.
Was it not the communists’ betrayal of Telangana cause?
For those of us who have studied the communist activities in Telangana, their silence alone would be the only answer. Since they cannot reject these questions as illogical, they have to pretend that their silence would speak better. Because, they are simply subjective, biased and opportunistic, they neglect any sort of objective analysis. They practice what they do not preach, or preach what they do not practice. They are hypocritical and played the game of villains, as far as Telangana is concerned. One can trace the roots of the communist hypocrisy in their age-old struggle for linguistic states. Their approach towards religion, region, caste and community are smacked of their farce-class analysis. While they were always engaged in class-analyses on the state, independence, nationalism, secularism, path of development in India, their activities were influenced by their opportunistic shifting stands. Their agitations were based on the sheer electoral objectives. Their elections were being influenced by their compromises on militancy. Their governments were being continued due to their collaborationist policies with their class enemies. As they colluded with their Andhra Congress counterparts in finalising the Telangana-merger, against the popular will of the Telangana people, in the name of VISHAALAANDHRA LO PRAJAA RAJYAM! They helped the Andhra capitalists to colonise Telangana internally so as to continue loot and plunder unabated.
Take the case of CPM leaders, who are playing the role of sabotage in Telangana, long before they emerged on the Indian political scene. Their Bengal BOSSES were competing with their counterparts in other states to attract foreign funds in Calcutta, but opposing the same in Delhi. One can cite several such hypocritical practices of the CPM, which expose their Bengal-bias on the one hand and myopic view of Telangana. That is not all. There is another dimension to their consistent opposition to the cause of Telangana state. More than their Bengal-bias (as some would believe that their opposition stems from their antipathy towards separate state demands of Gorkhaland and Northern Bengal etc), the Andhra-bias undermined the Telangana comrades. Thus, not a single Telangana comrade was ever elevated to the level of State Secretary, leave alone making him a politburo member! Two young Politbureau members, Sitaram yechury and Raghavulu(both hail from Andhra region) alone are controlling the party affairs completely today. Obviously, none can take on these Andhra comrades to question their Andhra-bias towards their Telangana counterparts!
Thanks to the heroic Telangana peasant struggle that cost the lives of ten thousand Telangana villagers, the Andhra communists (P.Sundarayya) became the main opposition leaders in the first Loksabha itself. Whereas, the Telangana leadership that bore brunt of feudal capitalist onslaughts has always been the loser, leave alone leading the Indian communist movement in Andhra at least! For, they did not trust Telangana mass leaders to occupy the highest party positions in the state till date. Thus, once Telangana mass leaders like DVRao, Omkar and BNReddy were ridiculed and dismissed from the party. On several occasions the party fielded Andhra comrades from Telangana constituencies/areas, but not the other way round. In the recent elections to LokSabha too, the CPM fielded a Bejawada Baburao from the Telangana seat (Bhadrachalam), whereas in the elections to the Rajyasabha, the party got one Nellore-Madhu-reddy elected. Even in the party positions too, less said the better, as Andhra comrades were always given leadership in some Telangana districts. But no Telangana leader is ever given any such position in the Andhra areas! This is not just history. Even today, Andhra comrades are leading the party units and frontal organisations in Hyderabad, Rangareddy, and few other Telangana districts are just a few cases in point. These are some bitter facts that are hardly covered in the Andhra-biased media.
Finally, if at all there are any obstacles that impact on the state formation, then it is those Andhra settlers who had grabbed the government positions, violating the legal- local-category norms by producing bogus mulki/local certificates. Obviously, the issue of non-local recruitment (G.O.No. 610 is a case in point) in Telangana region continues to be hanging in the air, as long as the Telangana state is not formed. And of course, there are some political leaders, incidentally, they are not elected representatives of the Telangana people in any sense, (for, they are appointed by the party high commands), who are the main hurdles in the formation of Telangana state. The two invisible entities, bogus bureaucrats and political parasites seem to be responsible for manipulating the Telangana politicians and elected representatives for the past 50 years! This is the crux of the whole problem that delayed the process of state formation. Thus, it is time we realise how this problem is to be solved at once, if at all democratic demand of state formation is to be achieved in the days to come.
Dr.K.Vidyasagar, Action Committee for Telangana
There are several instances in the history of political movements in India and elsewhere that show how the question of leadership assumes very significance. Although movements are supposed to throw leaders and elevate them during the course of movements, the other way round is also possible in the case of some popular movements in the country. Take the case of Jai Telangana movement of late 1960s. In this instance, political leaders led the movement to its nadir, but failed to sustain it thereafter, and thus worth noting. The movement attracted the national headlines and thereby secured the popular support in the elections held in 1971. Like the JP Movement of mid 70s, the Jai Telangana movement was a popular youth movement. Incidentally, it was Indira Gandhi who faced the challenges of both these movements, and failed to manipulate them electorally. Failed to respond to such political upheavals in a democratic manner, she had to resort to anti-democratic and coercive means, only to betray the spirit of those movements. Of course, the leaders and followers of these movements tried to shirk their responsibilities for their acts of collusion with Indira Gandhi, overtly or covertly. They proved to be the sabotagers of such historic movements.
In the case of Jai Telangana movement, once Congress Union Steel Minister, Marri Chenna Reddy hijacked the Telangana Praja Samiti (TPS) movement of students and employees of Telangana region of Andhra Pradesh and led it to its successful end. Chenna Reddy replaced its first president A.Madanmohan so as to politicalise the movement. Accordingly, this movement-turned party, that secured the popular mandate in terms of winning 11 Loksabha seats (out of 14 seats), swimming across all the currents against the entrenched Congress and the Communists, from the region. Failed to take on the Durga-Indira Gandhi, the Chenna reddy leadership had to yield to the pressures and favours of the Prime Minister. Thus he had to surrender all the TPS’s MPs to Indira Gandhi for few crumbs and thereby sabotaged the movement once for all. However, there was not much noise raised against the act of betrayal, from any quarter including the followers of the TPS. What is discernible from this instance is that the leadership is like a double-edged sword, which can ensure success of a movement, or else it can water down the movements as and when they choose to do so. Thus, the leadership is very crucial in any democratic movement. Although the Telangana movement has always been a democratic one, as the popular mandate was recorded on couple of occasions, the leadership played a dubious role. Unless the leaders are exemplary, one cannot expect them to perform better.
Was the ‘gentlemen agreement’ not an historical blunder?
It is pertinent to recollect the violation of this agreement by the first ever chief minister of Andhra Pradesh, Neelam Sanjeeva reddy ridiculing the post of Deputy Chief ministership as sixth finger and thus useless! While he served as Deputy Chief Minister in the B.Gopal reddy’s regime till October 31, 1956, the post became ridiculous to him by November 1, 1956! It was one of the six-point formulas that were violated on the very first day of formation of Andhra Pradesh. Leave alone its sanctity and popular support, the six-point alone was the basis for state formation. There was no referendum of our people, nor was there any recommendation of the SRC (which recommended against merger of Telangana with Andhra state, indeed!) to that effect. Even the Hyderabad State Assembly was divided on the hasty decision. Surprisingly, Prime Minister Nehru’s views on the need of continuation of Telangana reflect the feeling of the then Central government.
Then what precipitated the illegal action of hasty merger was the imposition of Andhra Congress leaders’ viewpoint in the form of ‘Gentlemen agreement’, an historical blunder that was never respected either in letter or in spirit. Who were these gentlemen? Which party they belonged to, by and large? It is those congress leaders who were under the control of Congress coterie that played a dubious role so as to bulldoze the Telangana leaders. Since the Congress party members largely represented the ‘gentlemen agreement’, then that party alone has to own the responsibility. Incidentally, the formation of the state was contractual and conditional (as it was subject to six-point formula/gentlemen agreement), and its very violation on the very first day can be understood as negating the state formation itself! How can the contract be continued if one of its conditions were violated? Does it not tantamount to one-sided contract? It is regrettable to note that such one-sided contract has been imposed on Telangana for that past five decades, thanks to its leaders’ stony silence.
Can minority ever outwit the majority?
In the Andhra Pradesh Legislative House of 294 members, only 107 members hail from the Telangana region, which can never have any veto power against the 187 members from non-Telangana areas. Obviously, in the case of any democratic institution, it is the view of the majority that always outwits the minority, not vice versa. Since, there is hardly any protection for a minority viewpoint in the Westminster model (British) of democracy, the minority is bound to bear the brunt of the majority rule. Thus, the rule of majority, that is of non-Telangana areas in Telangana region, for it is merged with Andhra state in 1956, continues unabated. Even if the Chief Minister belongs to the majority party, which obviously has to command majority in non-Telangana areas, he cannot be expected to do develop, leave alone favour, the region the way his people expect him to do so.
For instance, the fate of G.O. No. 610 (that exposes how non-local candidates were appointed against the local quota some 25 years ago) is still hanging in the air. Apparently, almost all political parties favour, in principle, implementing the G.O. No. 610, but did nothing as far as its practicality is concerned. Thus, one can imagine its fate, as its implementation is left to those biased bureaucrats who were actually responsible for the act of illegal recruitment. How come some bureaucrats act so arrogantly that even Girglani had to complain about non-cooperation of government officials in identifying, leave alone punishing, those illegal employees who were appointed long long ago? How come they fail to comply with the norms of government-appointed Girglani commission for more than two years? Where do they get strength from, or tacit cooperation of? How can the government permit such erring officials to continue in office? It is not easy to answer to these questions. For, it is the government that is dominated by the majority in the Assembly of Andhra Pradesh that is responsible for the behaviour of the officials, be it their action of appointing non-locals or inaction of covering up their misdeeds for so long.
Whether the Telangana CMs failed to ‘develop’ the region?
Thus, the arguments of ‘development by Telangana chief ministers’ (P.V.Narsimha Rao, M.Chenna Reddy, T.Anjaiah) can be dismissed as mischievous. It may be noted that Jalagam Vengal Rao who cannot be considered as Telangana leader (as he migrated from Krishna district), and thus continued in office without any interruption! Unlike other Andhra Chief Ministers, Telangana leaders always appointed Deputy Chief Ministers from the Andhra-seema region in their cabinets, so as to implement the six-point formula. Leave alone ‘developing Telangana’ our chief ministers never completed their full term so far. However, paradoxically, it is only non-Telangana chief ministers who not only completed their full terms but also created history. Chandra babu surpassing the record of Brahmananda reddy’s long tenure is a case in point. On the other hand, in the case of Telangana leaders, even a great leader like PV could not continue as chief minister of the state for one full year, whereas he completed five year term as prime minister of India, not withstanding his minority-party status at Delhi! In fact, PV was not a separatist like his predecessors, but an integrationist! However, he had to lose his position (CM) for hailing the decision of Supreme Court w.r.t. Mulki rules, as the Jai Andhra movement demanded his resignation. Of course, it is a different matter that even during PV’s regime, the state of Andhra Pradesh failed to get several pending projects cleared, leave alone developing Telangana! Thus, one can imagine the fate of Telangana, in any sector. Viewed in this backdrop, one finds it odd to offer convincing answers to critics who raise questions like why did Telangana leaders(as CMs and PM) fail to develop the region, why do these leaders keep mum when there were discriminatory policies being pursued, why did the Telangana intellectuals raise their voice only when there were non-congress regimes in the state, and whether there was any mandate for Telangana leaders to share power with the Congress party that makes a volte-face on the demand of state.
In any case, it is ridiculous to view Telangana state demand as demand for either ‘welfare’ or ‘development’, be it regionally or economically, as is propagated by the present chief minister. Because, once such argument is promoted, then there are electoral communists ready to join the chorus of raising the question of ‘backward regions’ and demand to treat Telangana on par with those backward regions of the state viz., Rayalaseema, Uttarandhra etc. Then they would be generously seeking the ‘packages’ ‘development funds’ from the central government and thereby confuse the genuine demand of Telangana state once for all. Further, it is also ridiculous to treat Telangana issue as the issue of ‘size’ or ‘administration’ of the region, as is diplomatically raised by the parties and groups like BJP and RSS. As a matter of fact, once the demand is conceded, the Telangana would be bigger state than those existing 16 states in India today! With a population of more than one and half times of that of Nepal, the Telangana state would be of 3.5 crore size. Unlike other three states which were created by the BJP in the year 2000, the state of Telangana does not require any special money for the construction of its state capital city, as the centuries-old Hyderabad is located in the heart of Telangana itself!
Was it also not the failure of the non-congress parties?
At the other end, it so happened that the non-congress/opposition parties could not influence the ruling parties and leaders w.r.t. development of the region. At least, they could have strove for undertaking some irrigation and power projects here and there in Telangana. Further, these opposition parties failed to fight for ensuring employment opportunities, leave alone establishing some new industries in their region. In the name of industrialising backward region, the Andhra capitalists were cornering concessions and subsidies on the one hand, but they were importing employees from Andhra areas into Telangana-based industries. While Andhra capitalists were permitted to pollute Telangana lands and fields and thereby to derive industrial profits/benefits, they were not asked to employ the local youth in the Telangana industries. Instead, Nizam-established industries were being closed down and sold out to the Andhra entrepreneurs at a throw away prices.
But still these parties, particularly those from the communist ranks, albeit made some noise now and then, but colluded with the ruling parties/regimes, as if the Telangana development was not their botheration. Why is it that the opposition parties were indifferent to rising unemployment in Telangana? Why is that old irrigation projects were not being completed in Telangana, whereas new projects are planned in Andhra region? Pulichintala project that caters to the needs of third crop in the Coastal area is being implemented on war footing is a case in point. Why it is that farmers in the same state were treated in different ways, (for Andhra peasants were provided CHEAP water with canal-irrigation, whereas Telangana peasants were forced to go for COSTLY bore well-irrigation)? Why is it that there were no agitations being launched when non-local candidates were appointed against local quota, affecting the job-prospects of thousands of Telangana youth? Why is it that there were no agitations against the failure of implementing the G.O. No. 610? These are some questions that deserve answers from the communist parties which believe in equity and equality, linguistic unity, working class unity, peoples’ unity etc.
Was it not the communists’ betrayal of Telangana cause?
For those of us who have studied the communist activities in Telangana, their silence alone would be the only answer. Since they cannot reject these questions as illogical, they have to pretend that their silence would speak better. Because, they are simply subjective, biased and opportunistic, they neglect any sort of objective analysis. They practice what they do not preach, or preach what they do not practice. They are hypocritical and played the game of villains, as far as Telangana is concerned. One can trace the roots of the communist hypocrisy in their age-old struggle for linguistic states. Their approach towards religion, region, caste and community are smacked of their farce-class analysis. While they were always engaged in class-analyses on the state, independence, nationalism, secularism, path of development in India, their activities were influenced by their opportunistic shifting stands. Their agitations were based on the sheer electoral objectives. Their elections were being influenced by their compromises on militancy. Their governments were being continued due to their collaborationist policies with their class enemies. As they colluded with their Andhra Congress counterparts in finalising the Telangana-merger, against the popular will of the Telangana people, in the name of VISHAALAANDHRA LO PRAJAA RAJYAM! They helped the Andhra capitalists to colonise Telangana internally so as to continue loot and plunder unabated.
Take the case of CPM leaders, who are playing the role of sabotage in Telangana, long before they emerged on the Indian political scene. Their Bengal BOSSES were competing with their counterparts in other states to attract foreign funds in Calcutta, but opposing the same in Delhi. One can cite several such hypocritical practices of the CPM, which expose their Bengal-bias on the one hand and myopic view of Telangana. That is not all. There is another dimension to their consistent opposition to the cause of Telangana state. More than their Bengal-bias (as some would believe that their opposition stems from their antipathy towards separate state demands of Gorkhaland and Northern Bengal etc), the Andhra-bias undermined the Telangana comrades. Thus, not a single Telangana comrade was ever elevated to the level of State Secretary, leave alone making him a politburo member! Two young Politbureau members, Sitaram yechury and Raghavulu(both hail from Andhra region) alone are controlling the party affairs completely today. Obviously, none can take on these Andhra comrades to question their Andhra-bias towards their Telangana counterparts!
Thanks to the heroic Telangana peasant struggle that cost the lives of ten thousand Telangana villagers, the Andhra communists (P.Sundarayya) became the main opposition leaders in the first Loksabha itself. Whereas, the Telangana leadership that bore brunt of feudal capitalist onslaughts has always been the loser, leave alone leading the Indian communist movement in Andhra at least! For, they did not trust Telangana mass leaders to occupy the highest party positions in the state till date. Thus, once Telangana mass leaders like DVRao, Omkar and BNReddy were ridiculed and dismissed from the party. On several occasions the party fielded Andhra comrades from Telangana constituencies/areas, but not the other way round. In the recent elections to LokSabha too, the CPM fielded a Bejawada Baburao from the Telangana seat (Bhadrachalam), whereas in the elections to the Rajyasabha, the party got one Nellore-Madhu-reddy elected. Even in the party positions too, less said the better, as Andhra comrades were always given leadership in some Telangana districts. But no Telangana leader is ever given any such position in the Andhra areas! This is not just history. Even today, Andhra comrades are leading the party units and frontal organisations in Hyderabad, Rangareddy, and few other Telangana districts are just a few cases in point. These are some bitter facts that are hardly covered in the Andhra-biased media.
Finally, if at all there are any obstacles that impact on the state formation, then it is those Andhra settlers who had grabbed the government positions, violating the legal- local-category norms by producing bogus mulki/local certificates. Obviously, the issue of non-local recruitment (G.O.No. 610 is a case in point) in Telangana region continues to be hanging in the air, as long as the Telangana state is not formed. And of course, there are some political leaders, incidentally, they are not elected representatives of the Telangana people in any sense, (for, they are appointed by the party high commands), who are the main hurdles in the formation of Telangana state. The two invisible entities, bogus bureaucrats and political parasites seem to be responsible for manipulating the Telangana politicians and elected representatives for the past 50 years! This is the crux of the whole problem that delayed the process of state formation. Thus, it is time we realise how this problem is to be solved at once, if at all democratic demand of state formation is to be achieved in the days to come.
Dr.K.Vidyasagar, Action Committee for Telangana
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